Last week’s speech by Mitt Romney, in which he presented his education reform plan to a group of Latino leaders in Washington, drew attention mainly because he criticized teachers’ unions and endorsed private school vouchers. But those points were perfectly predictable for a Republican candidate and not especially newsworthy.
But another part of his plan that potentially veers far from the usual conservative talking points received almost no attention: Mr. Romney would give poor students and those with disabilities the right to attend any public or charter school in their state.
This could be an empty promise. But in proposing that, in effect, city kids have a right to enroll in suburban schools, Mr. Romney is bucking a powerful, 50-year trend that has enjoyed the support of Republicans and Democrats alike.
For the last half-century, just about every education reform — from desegregation to school choice — has taken care to keep city and suburban schools and students separate. Buses for school desegregation rarely crossed the urban-suburban boundary, thanks to a Supreme Court ruling in 1974, which meant that suburban students would not have to participate in court-ordered desegregation of city schools.
Most modern school choice plans have followed the same pattern by offering students choices among schools within the same school district. A perfect example is the No Child Left Behind Act, which allows kids in “failing” schools to choose another school, as long as it is within the same district.
What these reforms have in common is that they have protected the exclusivity of suburban public schools and have ensured that city students would stay put in city schools.
Open enrollment could shake up the education system. . Mr. Romney’s proposal, if put in place, could change that. Most directly, and perhaps most dramatically, Mr. Romney’s proposal would force — yes, force — suburban districts to accept city students, a step that the Supreme Court refused to take back in 1974. As Mr. Romney said in a white paper also released last week, he would require states to “adopt open-enrollment policies that permit eligible students to attend public schools outside of their school district.”
In doing so, Mr. Romney’s proposal would target the real source of educational inequality in this country: school district boundaries, which wall off good school systems from failing ones. The grossest inequalities in educational opportunity today exist between school districts, not inside them.
If Mr. Romney’s proposal is sincere, it would place him far to the left of the Obama administration when it comes to educational opportunity. Mr. Obama has focused on improving teacher evaluations, promoting common academic standards, turning around failing schools and increasing charter schools. Fine and sensible? Maybe. Bold? Hardly. Bold is giving poor city kids the right to attend good suburban schools.
Of course, Mr. Romney’s seemingly bold proposal might turn out to be very tepid, and he has left himself some wiggle room. He proposes that only schools with “capacity” would be required to accept outside students, which might provide an easy excuse — “sorry, we’re full” — to schools that have no interest in taking on poor students.
In addition, Mr. Romney’s proposal offers no details on crucial issues like transportation or whether local tax dollars would also follow the student. And it might be simply a backhanded way of pushing vouchers for private schools: first you raise the idea that poor and disabled students should be able to choose a school, but then you create realistic choices only in the private sector.
For now, though, it is enough to recognize that the Romney campaign has raised an intriguing idea, one that both candidates should be asked about: should students in failing schools have the right to transfer to successful schools, even if those schools are in another district? If so, how would that work? If not, why not?
Answers to these questions would help clarify exactly where Mr. Romney and Mr. Obama stand on basic issues of educational opportunity. More than this, though, the ensuing public conversation would focus national attention on the glaring disparities that persist between school districts.
I can see the good and bad in this plan. The bad is that the good schools would quickly become overrun with students seeking admission. Which would increase class size. Which would tax resources. Which would lead to the school failing and the kids moving on elsewhere.
Also, how would taxes work? Would parents attending a different district all together be required to front tax contributions for their students using those resources?
The practical reality of this seems, in many respects, more challenging than just getting the failing schools up to speed to begin with (which, to me, seems fairly insurmountable in and of itself.)
I would like to see a state make a decision like this. I would very much dislike the federal government telling a state it has to.
I always wonder about these statements. States are failing on monumental levels to provide funding and guidance for their schools. As much as I hate the No Child Left Behind act, it did bring to light just how badly some states were doing with their educational system.
When the States fail, who is held accountable? It's a federal law that every child be provided an education. Should we repeal that law and just let things go catch as catch can according to the beliefs of the state? Because I guarantee there are going to be sections of nation that disband their schools all together, due to lack of funding or interest.
I'll be really interested to see more details on this and see how it plays out.
Here in Nevada you can apply for a zone variance to send your kid to a school they are not zoned for. Those that are approved then enter into a lottery system for the available spots. Now that's just within the district, but I like the idea of allowing you to go outside of district, as long as there are open spots after the district has filled from within.